NJCIE 2017,
Vol. 1(2), 29–46
http://doi.org/10.7577/njcie.2600
World-Class or World-Ranked
Universities? Performativity and Nobel Laureates in Peace and Literature
Brian D.
Denman[1]
Senior Lecturer, University of New
England, Australia
Copyright the author
Peer-reviewed article; received 12 January 2018;
accepted 24 February 2018
Abstract
It is erroneous to draw too many
conclusions about global university rankings. Making a university’s reputation
rest on the subjective judgement of senior academics and over-reliance on
interpreting and utilising secondary data from bibliometrics
and peer assessments have created an enmeshed culture of performativity and
over-emphasis on productivity. This trend has exacerbated unhealthy competition
and mistrust within the academic community and also
discord outside its walls. Surely if universities are to provide service and
thrive with the advancement of knowledge as a primary objective, it is
important to address the methods, concepts, and representation necessary to
move from an emphasis on quality assurance to an emphasis on quality
enhancement.
This overview offers an analysis of the
practice of international ranking. US News and World Report Best Global
Universities Rankings, the Times Supplement World University Rankings, and the
Shanghai Jiao Tong University Academic Ranking of World Universities are
analysed. While the presence of Nobel laureates in the hard sciences has been
seized upon for a number of years as quantifiable evidence of producing
world-class university education, Nobel laureates in peace and literature have
been absent from such rankings. Moreover, rankings have been
based on employment rather than university affiliation. Previously
unused secondary data from institutions where Nobel peace and literature
laureates completed their terminal degrees are presented.
The purpose has been to determine whether including peace and literature
laureates might modify rankings. A caveat: since the presence of awarded Nobel
laureates affiliated at various institutions results in the institutions
receiving additional ranking credit in the hard sciences of physics,
chemistry, medicine, and economic sciences, this additional credit is not recognised in the approach used in this study. Among
other things, this study suggests that if educational history were used in assembling the rankings as opposed to one’s
university affiliation, conclusions might be very different.
Keywords:
Global University Rankings; Research Quantums;
Quality Higher Education
In the
spirit of Schriewer’s transnational intellectual
networks, knowledge has often become characterised and shaped
by reformative reflections on education over time (Schriewer,
2004). Friedman contends that societal knowledge has been
shaped by outward and inward culture. Regarding the former, he states,
“…the more you have a culture that naturally glocalizes,
the more your culture easily absorbs foreign ideas and global best practices
and melds those with its own traditions” (Friedman, 2007, p. 422).
Like
outward-seeking educational reforms, universities are prime examples of how
outward or inward nation-states shape and define educational policy. Global
university rankings are examples of ways that help to promote outward-seeking
institutions. International agencies such as university league tables, UNESCO’s
Global Monitoring Reports (see UNESCO Global Education Monitoring
Report, n.d.), and other international data sources—including bibliometrics
(e.g. h-index, Scopus and peer-to-peer impact factors) have increasingly become
viewed as policy-oriented, multilateral and/or national educational reform
initiatives. These are pursued to promote, negate, or
change the direction of knowledge advancement simply by the interpretation of
evaluators, typically from the nation-state, institution or accrediting
organisation or authority. Notwithstanding the need to ensure that data used in
these instruments contain pieces of truth, the data collected and methodology
employed may often be subjective, biased, anecdotal, and inexact. The research
requires what Bleiklie (2014, p. 383) argues is a
question of conceptual clarity. Not only can the choice of
research methodology be questioned, but also how data were collected,
the approach and timing, the number of cases under study, and how data are
interpreted. With regard to the latter, Moodie (2017)
cautions that metrics are tools for transferring evaluation and monitoring from
experts, who are usually the people conducting the activity, to people and
bodies who are distant in location and seniority, often senior management
located centrally.
Van Raan (2005) also points out that metrics have been
insufficiently developed to be utilised in working with large-scale data for
comparative studies, charging that quick and dirty analyses have largely
been misused and abused for purposes of just in time decision-making
when better and more advanced indicators could have been developed and made
available.
Comparing
universities as a whole can also be quite problematic as well. Benneworth and Sanderson (2009) argue that universities
that serve regional, rural and remote communities are at a disadvantage as far
as rankings are concerned, as demand for their services is often limited and
this circumstance leads to the suggestion that they have low or little impact
and are always in catch-up mode to amass demands for knowledge. Their
marginalised position propels notions of inferiority that puts the question as
to whether universities should be ranked in concert
with their location and constituencies. In a positive step, the Carnegie
Classification of Institutions of Higher Education (2015) has classified six
types of institutions in an attempt to differentiate between types of
institutions:
Table 1: Modified version of the
Carnegie Classification of universities and other higher education institutions
Source:
Carnegie Classifications of Institutions of Higher Education, 2015, http://carnegieclassifications.iu.edu/downloads/CCIHE2015-FlowCharts-01Feb16.pdf
Beyond
location and constituent differences, gaps in fiscal resources and endowments
in long-established universities in the West have left many institutions at a disadvantage,
which has led to increased: 1) competitive pressures of the global marketplace;
and 2) institutional pressures emanating from performance-based measures generated from funding bodies (e.g. World Bank, IMF, OECD,
government) (see Marginson, Kaur, & Sawir 2011).
Since the
turn of the 21st Century, data analysis from rankings, metrics, and
performance-based measures in the field of education has resulted in what many
term as New Public Management which, in turn, has led to a wave of
increased accountability based on evidence-based quality assurance and quality
control measures, often at the expense of process. Birnbaum, like many,
viewed these as “…self-correcting mechanisms that monitor organizational
functions and provide attention cues, or negative feedback, to participants
when things are not going well” (Birnbaum 1989, p. 49). This, in a further
development, has led to questions of whether universities serve the public
or the public good. Marginson and Considine differentiated universities by defining those
that might be classified as enterprise, entrepreneurial,
and corporate universities, concluding that the enterprise university
encapsulated a balanced mix of economic and academic dimensions that maintained
research survivability, but in an environment of increased competition and
performativity (Marginson and Considine,
2000, p. 5). In this discussion, the question is raised
as to what happens in the assessment and evaluation processes when there may be
policies, which fail to comply with expectations across cultures and
nation-states? How are standardised instruments used
when quality education is varied due to student ability and capability? Can processes be improved to avoid data being misused or
abused? Finally, who ultimately determines authority in establishing what
quality constitutes, and how is quality enhanced with
such measures over time? Generally speaking, when any
of these issues are raised, there is often outcry about data collection and the
quality of the methodologies employed, but with scant mention given to the
depth of analysis and nature of assessment. The field of education may be considered a non-exact science, but its standards in
research need not be compromised. While quantitative research methodology in
education may help to explain and predict phenomena to establish, confirm, or
validate relationships and to develop generalisations that may contribute to
theory, much of the research employed in interpolating global data sets is
still largely qualitative. The work is not only exploratory in nature but it
builds on reformative reflections that build theory from the ground up. Moran
and Kendall (2009) contend that different methodologies produce illusions of
education due to how education is typically viewed as
a field of study. While Baudrillard (1994) identifies
education as a number of simulations—in other words not reality—the act and pursuit of educational research identifies its weakness in
its interdisciplinarity, and “…[that] this will come
to mean that critiques of what might be seen as current inadequate practices
and policy are only, in a sense, illusionary critiques” (Moran & Kendall,
2009, p. 328).
This
analysis does not necessarily address what methodologies are
employed to describe international comparisons in educational data.
Instead, it is intended to shed light on the validity
of the research, meaning the accuracy, meaningfulness, and credibility of the
research as a whole. This has major implications for global organisations,
which rest institutional reputations on not only the credibility of the data
collected but also warranting that the data analysed are pieces of truth
when viewed as a contribution to overall knowledge advancement. Moreover, when
viewing the data as an aggregate whole, this approach can assist in making
generalisations about the world beyond specific situations, interventions, and
contexts.
The globalisation of higher education has become increasingly valued,
particularly in terms of overseas recognition of world-class
universities, international rankings, and competition among university
researchers. The Information Age has not only transformed the
way we communicate and collect information, it has also led to some unforeseen
consequences: the standardisation of curricula (Bologna Process, 2018);
increased levels of accreditation and accountability; and a general shift
towards a utilitarianism within professional, applied degrees, much to the
chagrin of those who endorse Newman’s idea of a university (Rothblatt, 2006, p.
52). Regarding the latter, Newman’s idea of a university was to simply
disseminate universal knowledge for the purpose of
teaching all who were ready and able. It was intended
for preparing the well-rounded individual rather than reinforcing the
advancement of the nation-state. Peripatetic, itinerant, and wandering scholars
too are increasingly more mobile—both literally and virtually—but are becoming more inclined to seek educational opportunities for
economic gain rather than intellectual well-roundedness. This is becoming
increasingly apparent in times of economic uncertainty as evidenced in the
Global Financial Crisis of 2008–2011. Moreover,
students have opted for professional specialised degree pursuits because of
their obvious need to seek gainful employment upon successful completion of the
degree.
All the
above has resulted in a general shift from viewing higher education as
something of social value to something that is more of an investment. This may
be due in part to the theory of human capital, formulated by Theodore W.
Schultz in 1960 (Alladin, 1992). Human Capital Theory
helped to justify the expansion of higher education by postulating that the
more education a population receives, the greater the benefits in the economy.
While individual investment in education is clearly on the increase—particularly in the case of
enrolment in private universities—there is a general perception that higher education serves the public
good. This, unfortunately, is beginning to wane. The commodification and
advancement of knowledge comes at a cost, and while research continues to be an
imperative in the modern university, those institutions identified as poorly
resourced cannot continue to meet rising demand. Notwithstanding the content of
the Carnegie Classification of universities, there continues to be no universal
form or definition of what constitutes a university, yet world-rankings of
universities continue to shape and manipulate what is
perceived as quality and excellence. As Hazelkorn rightly emphasizes,
Rankings are
a manifestation of what has become known as the worldwide ‘battle for
excellence’, and are perceived and used to determine the status of individual
institutions, assess the quality and performance of the higher education
system, and gauge global competitiveness. (Hazelkorn,
2015, p. 1)
Rankings
differ from accreditation, the latter of which has been viewed historically as
an award of merit vested by the Pope or, at times, the Emperor in granting licence
(Studium Generale) to teach
at a university (Neave, 1997). While accreditation agencies have proliferated
since the late 1990s at international, national and disciplinary levels,
carriage is given to highly prescribed and
standardised criteria to audit education—in all its various forms—by peer panels of experts who
specialise in various disciplines and who are aware of and sensitive to the
educational contexts relative to the audited institution in question. The
recent wave of mergers and change of status for several university colleges to
universities in the Nordic region helps to highlight the increased importance
of these agencies and peer panels. Rankings, on the other hand, have galvanised
the commodification of knowledge. As a result, there is a cost associated with
knowledge advancement, and while research continues to be
an imperative in the 21st Century university, those institutions identified as
poorly resourced cannot continue to meet rising demand for research excellence.
According to Marginson and van der Wende,
This
[ranking] process has been encouraged in many nations by policies of
corporatisation and partial devolution based on governance by steering from a
distance and more plural income raising, a model of provision that reflects informal
cross-border norms influenced by practices in the English-speaking nations and
the policy templates of the World Bank. (Marginson
& van der Wende, 2007, p. 308)
This
reputational race to the top in the league with the impetus to improve greater public
accountability and transparency, has led to an unfair advantage given to
resource-rich institutions—predominantly Anglo-centred—and those that excel in the hard sciences.
Table 2: Listing of
university league tables, country of origin, and methodologies used
Name of organisation |
Academic Ranking of World Universities |
THE World University Rankings |
QS World University Rankings |
US News and World Report Best Colleges Rankings |
Performance Ranking of Scientific Papers for World
Universities |
Ranking Web of World Universities |
CHE-Excellence Ranking |
Company or institution & country |
Shanghai Jing Tiao University (China) |
Times Higher Education (UK) |
Quacquarelli Symonds (UK) |
U.S. News and World Report (USA) |
Higher Education Evaluation and Accreditation Council of Taiwan
(Taiwan) |
Cybermetrics Lab (CCHS) (Spain) |
Center for Higher Education
(Germany) |
Methods |
Highly cited researchers (20%) |
Teaching (30%) |
Academic reputation (40%) |
Graduation and retention rates (22.5%) |
Research excellence (40%) |
Presence rank |
Number of publications in the web of science |
|
Papers in Nature and Science (20%) |
Research reputation & income (30%) |
Student-to-faculty ratio (20%) |
Undergraduate academic reputation (22.5) |
Research impact (35%) |
Impact rank |
Citations (normalised to the international standard) |
|
Papers indexed (20%) |
Research ciations (30%) |
Research citations per faculty member (20%) |
Faculty resources (20%) |
Research productivity (25%) |
Openness rank |
Outstanding researchers |
|
Alumni (10%) |
International outlook (7.5%) |
Employer reputation (10%) |
Student selectivity (12.5%) |
|
Excellence rank |
Number of projects in the Marie Curie Programme |
|
Per capita performance (10%) |
Industry income (2.5%) |
Proportion of international faculty (5%) |
Financial resources (10%) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Graduate rate performance (7.5%) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Alumni giving rate (5%) |
|
|
|
Multiple
Sources: Academic Ranking of World Universities; World
University Ranking Methodologies Compared; Ranking
Web of Universities; US
News & World Report Education.
As a result of the increase in compliance policies and regulatory
standards imposed on universities and their institutional partnerships,
performance-based measures have been pursued at nation-state levels which, in
turn, has led to unforeseen consequences such as the following: 1) increased
pressure to publish in Anglophone journals and/or those journals that have been
ranked nationally or by discipline; 2) evidence of research impact (measured
mostly by bibliometrics) as opposed to formative
assessments on impact (societal, community and/or individual), since the latter
is often considered too subjective; and 3) micro-managerialism
of academic performance, collegial competition for increased specialisation
and, in isolated cases, collegial sabotage.
Methodologies
currently employed by university world ranking organisations also suggest that
world rankings are here to stay. The obsession on the part of universities to
be identified as world-class do not, however, reflect
world rankings. Variables and percentages used in rankings change over time, methods
are contested, and the exercises used to evidence quality often help to
undermine the very essence of what a university is and how it sets itself apart
from others. World rankings prompt universities to focus on similarities based
on a narrow listing of measureable variables. World-class
universities, on the other hand, may be preconceived as elitist in certain
parts of the world, but are increasingly viewed as world-class due to their
emphasis on differentiation and carving out their own path.
Husén (1991) identifies the modern university as an
entity working towards many different goals while at the same time training
professionals. Apart from expectations to improve educational access, promote
equality, and offer quality instruction, “…it is expected to contribute to the
extension of the frontiers of knowledge by high-quality research” (Husén, 1991, p. 184). While academic staff generally tend
to give their loyalty to their discipline more than to their employer (the university),
if a student demand system dictates what degrees are kept or discarded, this
creates angst in maintaining a strategic presence in one’s discipline or field
of study whether research-active or not. A further complication derives from an
increasing obsession with evidence-based performance measures—necessary prerogatives and
interventions in higher education at present. Gaps between administrative and
academic staff are growing and with increased significance. The organisational
culture of the university appears to be increasingly affected by entities which use performance reporting as a management strategy
for punitive measures and entities which promote and encourage academic
excellence and quality. Notwithstanding a need to bridge
these fissures as it should be understood that the ultimate goal is to achieve
similar like-minded outcomes, the divide appears most notable in the pursuit of
knowledge and its advancement for the academic while parenthetically, the
administrator is mobilizing in a quest for greater efficiencies and
effectiveness in doing more for less and keeping an eye on the bottomline.
An ageing
workforce and inadequate succession planning further exacerbates this angst,
particularly when universities are asked to slash
budgets and casualise staff appointments. The
National Center for Professional and Research Ethics
(NCPRE) recently developed a new academic unit diagnostic tool (AuDiT) that indexes three levels of academic departmental
culture: vibrant, warning, and challenged (see NCPRE, 2018). This tool helps
measure how the degree of health in a given academic department, by seeking to
judge vibrant, warning, and challenged departmental
characteristics and/or nuances. The index suggests that the greater the level
of dysfunctional management, the greater the anxiety experienced by staff.
Table 3: NCPRE’s Academic Unit Diagnostic Tool (AUDiT)
Source: National Center for
Professional & Research Ethics, https://ethicscenter.csl.illinois.edu/academic-leadership/ccc/audit/
This
anxiety is transferred to the prospective
undergraduate student, who may not necessarily know at the time of university
matriculation how to choose an appropriate degree or major. Policies and
structures developed to assess the alignment between education and employment
are still in the development stage (e.g. OECD Higher Education Programme,
2018). Balancing life and work continue to be a struggle, and standards run the
risk of faltering when divisive forces cannot find a common goal of education’s
ultimate purpose. As Alladin observes, “[t]he
university has become a place where a student is trained for an occupation
rather than given a broad education in traditional fields” (Alladin,
1992, p. 6).
Given
increased regulation, standardisation, and quality control measures intended to
improve accountability, metrics and benchmarking are increasingly tied to
funding and hence, becoming an evidence-based necessity. The hope is that any
form of analytics focuses upon a culture of academic excellence and quality,
and that the quality of evidence is tightly monitored and
justified; otherwise, it becomes cost-ineffective and dysfunctional. As
economic imperatives also become increasingly the norm, the alignment between
education and employment will continue to drive transformational change to the
traditional disciplines, forcing universities to consider developing
qualifications that are highly specialized and/or cross-disciplinary
or custom-tailored to meet the individual needs of the consumer, the student.
Husén
(1991, p. 184) rightly suggests that academic competence must be forced to yield
to the power of numbers. The advent of the Information Age has shifted the
focus away from Newman’s idea (see Rothblatt 2006) to a more utilitarian
approach. An understanding of the university as an entity and its possible
future can also be attained by the use of
demographics. As an example, demographic data, compiled from secondary sources,
allow researchers to analyse, interpolate, and replicate from different
perspectives (Smith, 2010). This helps broaden opportunities for discovery
through comparative analysis and leads to an increasing need to understand
situational, country contexts. While caution should be exercised when
interpolating results from secondary sources such as the UNESCO Global
Monitoring Reports, the data utilised can help verify estimations and make
predictions for the foreseeable future. This includes
world rankings, as variables change over time as does institutional leadership
and context.
Currently, international education comparisons tend to promote the
globalisation of education in terms of increased economic trade and human
capital. It is predicted that in order for comparative
education research to be more useful and practicable for nation-states and
institutions alike in the future, there will be an increasing need for students
to possess the aptitude and inclination in understanding, interpreting, and analyzing statistical data from large-scale data sources.
The higher the quality, the greater the sense of purpose and ownership of
knowledge acquisition and advancement. Moreover, it is hoped
that a spillover effect may offer greater benefits
that might redefine the current system of performativity and productivity. The
risks, if further exacerbation continues, is a lack of depth, rigour and
robustness in research, which can lead to ambiguities in exceptions to the
rule, a general lack of environmental contexts at institutional or local
levels, simplistic prescriptions for change, or normative prescriptions of policy
and practice.
In the
following research to demonstrate how one variable can change the whole dynamic
in world university rankings, the utility of using secondary data from the
Nobel Peace Institute (Norway) and the Nobel Prize Organisation (Sweden) helps
to show how different rankings can be affected. The
purpose of this research honours the contribution of the non-exacting science
of education in its various forms. While peace and literature are not necessarily directly aligned with the field of
education, the understanding of education’s ultimate purpose of
well-roundedness is considered as offering a contribution to the advancement of
knowledge. Generally seen as being the most reliable and used, the Shanghai
Jing Tiao rankings award the highest points to
institutions which have or have had Nobel laureates in the hard sciences—10% within their respective
rankings. However, peace and literature are not listed in the current
calculations due to the fact that they are not in the
hard sciences. This may be purposeful in the sense that peace and literature
are, by nature, subjective fields of study. This research has been undertaken
to consider adding Nobel laureates in peace and literature to highlight those
institutions that have produced and/or acknowledged the contributions of these
notable individuals. This undertaking suggests that a further ranking of
universities worldwide might yield a new ranking of institutions that, among
other things, value and recognize the contributions of education—a non-exacting science—a field of study that helps to
expand and broaden knowledge and its advancement.
Table 4: List of Nobel laureates (literature; peace)
according to country and institution where highest degree was
obtained
Country |
Universities |
Nobel laureates (literature) |
Nobel laureates (peace) |
Algeria |
University of Algiers |
Albert Camus |
|
Argentina |
University of Buenos Aires National University of La Plata |
|
Carlos Saavedra Lamas Adolfo Perez Esquivel |
Australia |
(University of Cambridge) |
Patrick White |
|
Austria |
University of Vienna (2) University of Graz (Jagiellonian University) |
Elfriede Jelinek |
Alfred Hermann Fried |
Bangladesh |
Chttagong College |
|
Muhammad Yunus |
Belarus |
Belarusian State University |
Svetlana Alexievich |
|
Belgium |
Ghent University (Dominican University) Universite
libre de Bruxelles University of Louvain |
Maurice Maeterlinck |
Georges Pire Henri La Fontaine Auguste Marie Francois Beernaert |
Bosnia & Herzegovina (Yugoslavia) |
(University of Graz) |
Ivo Andrić |
|
Bulgaria |
(University of Vienna) |
Elias Canetti |
|
Canada |
University of Western Ontario (St. John’s College, Oxford) |
Alice Munro |
Lester Bowles Pearson |
Chile |
University of Chile |
Pablo Neruda Gabriela Mistral |
|
China |
Beijing Normal University (2) Beijing Foreign Studies University Lhasa’s Jokhang Temple |
Mo Yan Gao Xingjian |
Liu Xiaobo Dalai Lama (Tenzin Gyatso) |
Colombia |
(Harvard University) |
Gabriel Carcia Marquez |
Juan Manuel Santos |
Czech Republic (Czechoslovakia) |
|
Jaroslav Seifert |
Baroness Bertha Sophie Felicita von Suttner,
nee Countess Kinsky von Chinic
und Tettau |
Denmark |
University of Copenhagen Technical University of Denmark |
Karl Adolph Gjellerup & Henrik Pontoppidan Johannes Vilhelm Jensen |
Fredrik Bajer |
Egypt |
Cairo University (2) (New York University School of Law) Alexandria University |
Naguib Mahfouz |
Mohamed El Baradei Yasser Arafat Mohamed Anwar Sadat |
Finland |
University of Helsinki University of Oulu |
Frans Eemil Sillanpää |
Martti Ahtisaari |
France |
Ecole Nationales
des Chartes University of Paris (8) College Stanislas de Paris Ecole Normale
Superieure (2) University of Aix-en-Provence Lycée Bonaparte Lycée Henri-IV (2) Aix-Marseille University University of
Strasbourg Lycée Louis-le-Grand (2) University of Bordeaux (2) (University of Oxford) (University of Bristol) |
Patrick Modiano J.M.G. Le Clézio Claude Simon John-Paul Sartre Saint-John Perse François Mauriac André Gide Roger Martin du Gard Henri Bergson Anatole France Romain Rolland Frédéric Mistral Sully Prudhomme |
René Cassin Albert Schweitzer Léon Jouhaux Ferdinand Buisson Aristide Briand Léon Victor Auguste
Bourgeois Paul Henri Benjamin Balluet d’Estournelles de Constant, Baron de Constant de Rebecque Louis Renault Frederic Passy |
Germany |
(West University of Timisoara) Berlin University of the Arts University of Cologne University of Munich University of Bonn (2) University of Jena University of Göttingen (2) University of Kiel (Harvard University) (University of Oslo) University of Oldenburg University of Leipzig University of Marburg Heidelberg University Evangelical Seminaries of Maulbronn and Balubeuren |
Herta Müller Günter Grass Heinrich Böll Nelly Sachs Thomas Mann Gerhart Hauptmann Paul von Heyse Rudolf Cristoph Eucken Theodor Mommsen |
Henry A. Kissinger Willy Brandt Carl von Ossietzky Ludwig Quidde Gustav Stresemann |
Ghana |
(Massachusetts Institute of Technology) |
|
Kofi Annan |
Greece |
(University of Paris (2)) |
Odysseas Elytis Giorgos Seferis |
|
Guatemala |
Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala |
Miguel Angel Asturias |
Rigoberta Menchú Tum |
Hungary |
|
Imre Kertész |
|
Iceland |
|
Halldór Laxness |
|
India |
University of Calcutta Samrat Ashok
Technological Institute (United Services College) |
Rabindranath Tagore Rudyard Kipling |
Kailash Satyarthi |
Iran |
University of Tehran |
|
Shirin Ebadi |
Ireland |
National College of Art and Design St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth (Queen’s University of Belfast)(2) Irish School of Ecumenics University College Dublin Loreto Abbey, Rathfarnham, Ireland Trinity College, Dublin |
Seamus Heaney Samuel Beckett George Bernard Shaw William Butler Yeats |
John Hume David Trimble Betty Williams Mairead Corrigan Seán MacBride |
Israel |
(Staff College, Camberley) |
Shmuel Yosef Agnon |
Yitzhak Rabin |
Italy |
Dominican University (University of Bonn) Brera Academy Polytechnic University of Milan Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa |
Giosuè Carducci Grazia Deledda Luigi Pirandello Salvatore Quasimodo Eugenio Montale Dario Fo |
Ernesto Teodoro Moneta |
Jamaica |
University of the West Indies |
|
|
Japan |
(University of East Anglia) University of Tokyo (3) |
Kazuo Ishiguro Kenzaburō Ōe Yasunari Kawabata |
Eisaku Satō |
Kenya |
University of Nairobi |
|
Wangari Muta Maathai |
Liberia |
(Harvard University) (Eastern Mennonite University) |
|
Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Leymah Gbowee |
Lithuania |
Vilnius University |
Czesław Miłosz |
Bernard Lown |
Macedonia |
(Loreto Abbey, Rathfarnham, Ireland) |
|
Mother Teresa (Saint Teresa of Calcutta) |
Mexico |
(University of California Berkeley) (Academy of International Law, Netherlands) |
Octavio Paz Lozano |
Alfonso Garcia Robles |
Myanmar (Burma) |
(University of London) |
|
Aung San Suu Kyi |
Netherlands |
Academy of International Law, Netherlands Hague Academy of International Law University of Leiden |
|
Tobias Asser |
Nigeria |
University of Ibadan |
Wole Soyinka |
|
Norway |
University of Oslo (3) |
Sigrid Undset Knut Hamsun Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson |
Fridtjof Nansen Christian Lous Lange |
Pakistan |
|
|
Malala Yousafzai |
Peru |
(Complutense University of Madrid) |
Mario Vargas Llosa |
|
Poland |
Jagiellonian University Warsaw University (3) Warsaw Rabbinical Seminary (New School for Social Research, New York) |
Wisława Szymborska Isaac Bashevis Singer Władysław Reymont Henryk Sienkiewicz |
Joseph Rotblat Lech Wałęsa Shimon Peres Menachem Begin |
Portugal |
Pontifical Salesian University, Portugal |
José de Sousa Saramago |
|
Romania |
(University of Paris) |
|
Elie Wiesel |
Russia (Soviet Union) |
Rostov State University (University of Marburg) Moscow State University (2) P.N. Lebedev Physics Institute of the Soviet
Academy of Sciences (FIAN) |
Joseph Brodsky Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn Mikhail Sholokhov Boris Pasternak Ivan Bunin |
Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev Andrei Dmitrievich Sakharov |
Saint Lucia |
(University of the West Indies) |
Derek Walcott |
|
South Africa |
University of the Witwatersrand (Kings College London) Adams College, South Africa University of South Africa Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education (University of Texas, Austin) |
J.M. Coetzee Nadine Gordimer |
F.W. de Klerk Nelson Mandela Desmond Mpilo Tutu |
South Korea |
Kyung Hee University |
|
Kim Dae-jung |
Spain |
Complutense University of Madrid (2) University of Madrid University of Salamanca |
Camilo José Cela Vicente Aleixandre Juan Ramón Jiménez Jacinto Benavente José Echegaray |
|
Sweden |
University of Stockholm (2) Uppsala University (6) |
Tomas Tranströmer Harry Martinson Eyvind Johnson Pär Lagerkvist Erik Axel Karlfeldt Carl Gustaf Verner von Heidenstam Selma Lagerlof |
Alva Myrdal Dag Hjalmar Agne Carl Hammarskjold Lars Olof Jonathan (Nathan) Söderblom
Hjalmar Branting Klaus Pontus Arnoldson |
Switzerland |
(Heidelberg University) (Evangelical Seminaries of Maulbronn
and Balubeuren) University of Zurich |
Hermann Hesse Carl Spitteler |
Élle Ducommun Charles Albert Gobat Jean Henry Dunant |
Timor-Leste |
(Pontifical Salesian University) (Hague
Academy of International Law) |
|
Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo Jose Ramos-Horta |
Trinidad & Tobago |
(University of Oxford) |
V.S. Naipaul |
|
Turkey |
Istanbul University |
Orhan Pamuk |
|
United Kingdom |
Staff College, Camberley University of Cambridge (4) Kings College London Royal Academy of Dramatic Art University of Oxford (3) Royal Military Academy Sandhurst (Harvard University) University University of Glasgow |
Doris Lessing Harold Pinter William Golding Sir Winston Churchill Bertrand Russell T.S. Eliot John Galsworthy |
Philip J. Noel-Baker Lord (John) Boyd Orr of Brechin Cecil of Chelwood, Viscount (Lord Edgar
Algernon Robert Gascoyne Cecil) Arthur Henderson Sir Norman Angell (Ralph Lane) Sir Austen Chamberlain William Randall Cremer |
USA |
University of Minnesota (2) Howard University Northwestern University Stanford University University of Mississippi Yale University (2) Harvard University (8) New School for Social Research, New York Massachusetts Institute of Technology University of California Berkeley Vanderbilt University Georgia Southwestern College Johns Hopkins University (2) Boston University California Institute of Technology Virginia Military Institute Bryn Mayr College Cornell University Rockford University Columbia University Marietta College New York University Cumberland University |
Bob Dylan Toni Morrison Joseph Brodsky Saul Bellow John Steinbeck Ernest Hemingway William Faulkner Pearl S. Buck Eugene O’Neill Sinclair Lewis |
Barack H. Obama Albert Arnold (Al) Gore Jimmy Carter Jody Williams Norman E. Borglaug Martin Luther King Jr. Linus Carl Pauling George Catlett Marshall Ralph Bunche Emily Greene Balch John Raleigh Mott Cordell Hull Jane Addams Nicholas Murray Butler Frank Billings Kellogg Charles Gates Dawes Thomas Woodrow Wilson Elihu Root Theodore Roosevelt |
Vietnam |
|
|
Lê Đúc Tho |
Yemen |
Sana’a University |
|
Tawakkol Karman |
Zimbabwe |
(Adams College, South Africa) |
|
Albert John Lutuli |
NB:
Institutions listed in parenthesis are institutions located outside of the Nobel
laureate’s home of origin.
Notes:
-
36
Nobel laureates studied in a country other than their home country (anomaly:
University of West Indies)
-
5
were activists
-
9
who were born in one country but acknowledged for their contributions in
another (Israel/Palestine/Germany/Bulgaria/Romania/Macedonia/Yugoslavia/Poland/Ukraine/Belarus)
-
44
had no formal education; 1 has yet to finish her formal education abroad
-
12
were imprisoned, assassinated, exiled, expelled (strongly advised to emigrate),
persecuted, or determined to leave their country of origin
-
1
declined the award (peace); 1 declined the award (literature)
-
Burma,
Colombia, Chile, Hungary, Iceland, Israel, Liberia, Macedonia, Mexico, Pakistan,
Peru, Saint Lucia, Timor-Leste, Vietnam, Yugoslavia, and Zimbabwe are the only
countries that hold a Nobel laureate (peace/literature), but with no
institutional affiliation
Table
5: University rankings based on Nobel laureates (peace; literature)
Rank |
Institution |
1 |
Harvard
University (USA) |
2 |
University
of Paris (France) |
3(tied) |
Oxford
University (UK) Uppsala
University (Sweden) |
4 |
Cambridge
University (UK) |
5(tied) |
University
of Vienna (Austria) Complutense
University of Madrid (Spain) University
of Oslo (Norway) University
of Tokyo (Japan) Warsaw
University (Poland) |
6(tied) |
Beijing
Normal University (China) Cairo
University (Egypt) Ecole
Normale Superieure
(France) Lycée Louis-le-Grand (France) Lycée Henri-IV (France) University
of Bordeaux (France) University
of Bonn (Germany) University
of Göttingen (Germany) Moscow
State University (Russia) Adams
College (South Africa) University
of Stockholm (Sweden) Queen’s
University of Belfast (UK) Johns
Hopkins University (USA) University
of Minnesota (USA) Yale
University (USA) |
Table 6: University rankings according to
international league tables (2017)
Rank |
Shanghai Jing Tiao |
THE |
QS |
US News & World |
1 |
Harvard University |
University of Oxford |
Massachusetts Institute of Technology |
Princeton University |
2 |
Stanford University |
California Institute of Technology |
Stanford University |
Harvard University |
3 |
University of Cambridge |
Stanford University |
Harvard University |
University of Chicago; Yale University |
4 |
Massachusetts Institute of Technology |
University of Cambridge |
University of Cambridge |
Columbia University; Stanford University |
5 |
University of California Berkeley |
Massachusetts Institute of Technology |
California Institute of Technology |
Massachusetts Institute of Technology |
Sources:
Academic Ranking of World Universities, http://www.shanghairanking.com;
World University Rankings 2016-2017, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/world-university-rankings/2017/world-ranking#!/page/0/length/25/sort_by/rank/sort_order/asc/cols/stats;
QS World University Rankings, https://www.topuniversities.com/university-rankings/world-university-rankings/2016;
U.S. News & World Report Releases 2017 Best Colleges Rankings, https://www.usnews.com/info/blogs/press-room/articles/2016-09-13/us-news-releases-2017-best-colleges-rankings
World-class and world-ranked universities differ as the
former place emphasis upon difference and the latter upon comparable similarity.
The only shared dimensions of both are the challenges to financial,
and administrative capacity given the increasing social demands for higher
education (Martin et al. 2007). Variables such as institutional and research
reputation are highly subjective and limited to the exposure of differing
educational systems. Ranking universities as a whole also undermine the
qualities of institutes, schools, and departments that otherwise might attract
notice and be valued. Productivity statistics and international involvement
vary considerably from year to year and, while such variables are useful to
determine social and individual rates of return, the shelf-life
of the data are short-lived and difficult to utilise to make comparisons
year-to-year.
When comparing
various methodologies for world-rankings of universities, it is clear that
their task is fraught with ambiguities. In other words, ranking is not an
exacting science. By concentrating on one variable used in the Shanghai Jiao
Tong (ARWU) ranking relating to highly cited researchers and alumni, it was
found that Nobel peace and literature laureates were not counted as opposed to
those in the hard sciences. This may be because both peace and literature are considered soft sciences and thus, the perceived value
in their individual and social rate of return is equivocal and open to
contestation.
Given the
notion that world-class universities emphasize
institutional difference, the addition of Nobel peace and literature laureates
to league tables would change current league table configurations of
institutional ranks. By developing a specialised
listing of institutions on the basis of the presence of Nobel laureates in
peace and literature reveals a hallmark of difference and, moreover, captures
the essence of what universities are striving for: namely, the desire to be
recognised as world-class as opposed to simply being world-ranked.
The process
of collecting data on Nobel laureates in literature and peace produced some
additional findings. Many Nobel laureates were listed
in more than one country, even when individuals fled, left, or were persecuted
in their country of origin. Among the top five institutions listed in Table 5,
14 Nobel laureates completed their studies in a second country, suggesting that
mobility is not only rife but that one’s identity may not necessarily be
associated with where one is born. While knowledge may not necessarily be the
province of any one nation-state, the marketability of world-class
scholars such as Nobel laureates propels nation-states and institutions to
recognise high achievement.
The
university rankings based on Nobel laureates (Table 5) in comparison to
university rankings based on league tables (Table 6) reflect a sharp contrast
and set of distinctions. Notwithstanding the noticeable difference in rankings
of universities from other nation-states, many of these institutions offer
mediums of instruction other than English. By changing one variable, Nobel
laureates (literature and peace), which have been omitted in league tables for
whatever reason, there is scope to consider specialist rankings as standalone,
as they help offset those institutions that appear to meet international
benchmarks that are becoming increasingly standardised. In addition, they may
help to promote institutions that are unique, different, or set apart from
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[1] Corresponding author: bdenman@une.edu.au