NJCIE 2018, Vol. 2(2–3), 72–85
http://doi.org/10.7577/njcie.2750
Conceptualizing Professional Commitment-Based School Strategy: A Finnish
Perspective
Jan Merok Paulsen[1]
Associate
professor, Oslo Metropolitan University, Norway
Copyright the author
Peer-reviewed article;
received 18 May 2018; accepted 22 September 2018
Abstract
Core values
inherent in the Finnish comprehensive education system can in
many respects be interpreted to cluster and cohere around a Bildung discourse,
which is paradoxically seen against the backdrop of the system’s stable high
rank in PISA, the hallmark of an outcome discourse. Yet the point is that
within the frames of a Bildung discourse, the themes in focus for curricula go
beyond basic skills with a similarly strong focus on societal values and
culture. At the process level, Finland is more deeply and strongly infused with
a policy culture that is more compatible with the Bildung tradition than the
Anglo-Saxon outcome discourse—with its core values of organizing and leading
for relations and teaching. As noted by Finnish scholars, such cultural traits
of the Finnish system are viable and can be interpreted
as associated with institutional path dependency, anchored in longstanding
agrarian and social-democratic values. The current paper interprets these
cultural traits also as manifest at the local level around a school strategy
model close to the one characterized as a professional commitment strategy in
the early 1990s by the American scholars Susan Rosenholtz and Brian Rowan. The
purpose of the paper, however, is to advance this theoretical understanding a
step further towards a conceptual model of commitment-based school strategy.
This paper is, thus, a pure conceptual piece. To elaborate the early insights
from the 1990s further, a case drawn from Helsinki primary school is used as an empirical illustration.
Keywords: school strategy; teacher
commitment; community of practice; Finnish policy culture
Recent studies of school governance in the Nordic countries have
described a political and cultural contest between the legacies of strong
welfare-state institutions grounded in a participatory democracy with
significant local autonomy for municipalities, on the one hand, and a competing
model derived from transnational bodies such as the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development (OECD), on the other (Moos, Nihlfors, &
Paulsen, 2016).
The latter model typically is manifest in strong recommendations of
accountability, high-stakes national testing regimes, and enhanced indirect
state steering through national quality assurance systems—hallmarks of an
outcome discourse (e.g., Blossing, Imsen, & Moos, 2013; Varjo, Simola,
& Rinne, 2013). The tensions are most visible in Sweden, Denmark, and
Norway, where the governments have established and institutionalized
comprehensive multi-level quality assurance systems that, to
a large extent, are matched with transnational bodies such as the
European Union (EU) and OECD.
Although
there are clear political and cultural similarities among the Nordic countries
(Kofod, Johansson, Paulsen, & Risku, 2016), it is evident that Finland
represents a different system case. For example, according to the European
Commission, Finland is one of the few countries in Europe in which there is no
direct control from the national level to the school level (Simola, Varjo,
& Rinne, 2015), specifically, Finland does not have any school inspection,
and national evaluations do not rank schools. This image has received
considerable attention because Finland has been considered
as one of the most successful countries in terms of high student achievements
in the OECD international tests. On the other hand, with its cultural roots in
social-democratic egalitarianism (Silander & Välijärvi, 2013), Finland is
the one Nordic country that most distinctly deviates from the OECD agenda
(Sahlberg, 2011).
Moreover,
Finnish municipalities enjoy significant autonomy in creating a framework and
governing schools in collaboration with professionals (Moos & Paulsen,
2014). Although schools must attend to national evaluations (and conduct local
self-evaluations), the national systems of assessment are only loosely coupled
to the work of local politicians, school superintendents, principals, and
teachers (Simola & Rinne, 2015). Not surprisingly, as noted in a Nordic
comparative study of local governance, Finnish local school politicians “are
quite satisfied with the evaluation system. They seem to think that evaluation
reports compiled by the schools themselves give boards a good picture of the
real quality of individual schools” (Paulsen & Moos, 2014, p. 170).
From a
conceptual stance, the model through which Finnish municipalities govern their
schools and their school leaders corresponds fairly well with a school strategy
conceived by Brian Rowan as a commitment model in his 1990 policy review
(Rowan, 1990; Rowan & Miller, 2007; Paulsen & Høyer, 2016). Contrary to
a strategy model based on external evaluation, inspection, and control, the
commitment-based model (of how to govern schools from the district level)
stands out differently (Rowan & Miller, 2007). According to Rowan, the
professional commitment model advocates the creation of “working conditions in
schools that enhance commitment and expertise of teachers” (Rowan, 1990, p.
353). This conception of educational reform takes cultural control as its basic
mechanism, as “we would expect ‘cultural’ control to replace formal controls
and teachers to base their commitment to personal identification with the
school rather than loyalty to superiors” (Rowan, 1990, p. 359). The core
elements of a commitment-based model of school strategy are teacher
empowerment, vibrant learning communities, and professional and organizational
commitment embedded in a culture of mutual trust between school administrators
and teachers (Rowan, 1990).
Since
Rowan’s review, however, there has been extensive interest in the different
ways through which state and school districts exert external control toward schools
(e.g., Hudson, 2007; Helgøy & Homme, 2006). In contrast, not much work has been undertaken to advance the understanding of how a
commitment-based strategy plays out in practice. Although the concept of
teacher commitment, measured at an individual and group level (see e.g.,
Somech, 2005), has been used to capture teachers’ professional binding to their
students and schools in a great number of articles, the organizational
properties into which such individual teacher traits are embedded tend to be under-investigated.
There is, as such, a gap to be filled in the
literature in terms of advancing the conceptual understanding of
commitment-based school strategy.
The current
paper follows this line of reasoning and, based on an illustrative case drawn
from Finnish primary schooling, a theoretical discussion of professional
commitment as a strategy model, enacted at the district and school level, is discussed. Support for this theoretical assertion is
drawn from empirical works on Helsinki primary schools (see Hjertø, Paulsen,
& Thiveräinen, 2014; Paulsen, Hjertø, & Thiveräinen, 2016, for details)
and more recent work on Finnish school governance seen from the perspective of
school superintendents, school board members, and school principals (Risku,
Kanervio, & Pulkkinen, 2014). Furthermore, the paper draws on recent
historical and sociological work on the policy culture of Finnish education,
which provides insights for understanding the political and cultural context in
which local school strategy is embedded (see Silander & Välijärvi, 2013;
Varjo et al., 2013; Simola, 2015).
Since the
first OECD-PISA reporting in 2001, which measured performance for 15-year-old
students in literacy, mathematics, and science, the Finnish primary school
system has consistently performed well (OECD, 2013). Finnish school performance
has been characterized by a narrow achievement gap
within a student cohort in terms of a relatively small portion of variation
between the highest- and lowest-performing achievement categories.
Correspondingly, the between-school variances on the PISA achievement scales
have been significantly small: Finland’s between-school variation on the PISA
reading scale in 2009 was approximately 7 percent compared to 42 percent in
other OECD countries (OECD, 2010).
With its
cultural roots in social-democratic egalitarianism, Finland is the one country
that most distinctly deviates from the Anglo-Saxon accountability movement in
basic education, which emphasizes making school principals and teachers
accountable for students’ learning outcomes. Moreover, Finnish municipalities
have resisted implementation of studies that could be used
as ranking lists (Silander & Välijärvi, 2013; Varjo et al., 2013). As
noted, Finland has
not
followed the Anglo-Saxon accountability movement requiring schools and teachers
to become more accountable for learning results. The evaluations of student
outcomes have traditionally been the task of each teacher and school. (Simola
et al., 2015, p. 233)
According
to scholars, a trust-based culture formally became visible in Finland in the
early 1990s: “All traditional forms of control over the teacher work had
disappeared by the beginning of the 1990s” (Simola & Rinne, 2015, p. 264).
Finnish teachers enjoy significant freedom from state evaluative control
compared with their European colleagues, and “this can be interpreted as very
high trust in the work of teachers and the culture of schools, which may
legitimate the rare, rather autonomous position of teachers and school welfare
institutions” (Simola & Rinne, 2015, pp. 264–265). Moreover, local autonomy
for municipalities and schools has been a stable feature of Finnish curriculum
policy, which means that broad national frameworks are
adapted and developed toward practice by local actors. Specifically,
Finnish municipalities, backed by their national association, have resisted
implementation of national evaluations and tests that could
be used as ranking lists (Silander & Välijärvi, 2013).
Hannu
Simola and colleagues have suggested a comprehensive framework for
understanding the Finnish mystery in education, one that emphasizes historical
and institutional path dependency on the national level, contingencies bound to
the economic recession in the 1990s, and accompaniment
by pure coincidences driven by the arrival of time (March & Olsen, 1976).
First, Hannu Simola has shown that historical contingencies have played an
important role. Both the welfare state model—the change of the occupational
structure away from an agrarian society—and the construction of a unified
school system came late in Finland, and in contrast to the societal development
in Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, these transformations occurred simultaneously
rather than sequentially in Finland.
The high
belief in schooling as an outgrowth from the contingent conjunction of three
societal changes came exceptionally late in Finland: the expansion of
schooling, the modernization of the occupational structure and the construction
of the welfare state. (Simola & Rinne, 2015, p. 257)
The second
factor, path dependency, is manifest in the cultural roots where Finland has
been bound to social-democratic and agrarian values of equality (Varjo et al.,
2013), which has made convergence to the global neoliberal discourse an
extremely difficult project.
The third
explanation coheres around several coincidences in the 1990s and 2000s. Under
the severe economic recession in the early 1990s, high-level municipal autonomy
in the cost-intensive service sectors such as comprehensive schooling was needed to master financial cutbacks in school budgets
while national politicians prioritized educational quality. Without shifting
decision-making to the local municipal level, municipalities could not
successfully cut the budgets. As a consequence, the national
framework of quality assurance (CAE) has been easy to buffer and has only been
loosely coupled to the municipal school authorities’ decision-making processes
and the work in the schools:
It is thus
obvious that the radical process of municipal autonomy, which was spurred on and deepened by the recession of the 1990s,
was one of the factors that buffered the implementation and technical
development of an effective QAE system in Finnish comprehensive schooling.
(Simola et al., 2015, p. 243)
The
illustrative case subjected to this paper was a theory-based field study in
Helsinki primary schools, which constitutes the case used for conceptual
advancement. The empirical base for the case was built
from 246 individual teacher responses from 10 schools. All participants were
asked to evaluate their leadership preferences, professional learning, experience of being trusted, commitment, and level of
efficacy. Moreover, a second statistical model tested teachers’ experiences of
their principal’s leadership practices, which related moral and distributed
leadership to teachers’ sense of empowerment in their work domain (WDE) and
classroom domain (CDE). Survey items were drawn from
Marks and Louis (1999) yet carefully adapted to the Finnish linguistic and
cultural context. The study resulted in two published articles in 2014 and 2016
(see Hjertø et al., 2014; Paulsen et al., 2016). Despite the valued
contributions provided by these papers, findings were not
advanced toward a more generic framework for school strategy and local
governance. Thus, a theoretical advancement is sought
by further discussion of the conceptual and theoretical implications enabled by
the statistical relationships predicted in the two analyses.
The point
of departure was the assumption that Finnish schoolteachers’ social learning in
communities of practice was an important part of the local Finnish school
culture, and Wenger’s original theory was linked to
teachers’ sense of commitment and efficacy through the measurement model
developed by Susan M. Printy (2008). Wenger, McDermott and Snyder (2002)
defined a community of practice as
a unique
combination of three fundamental elements: a domain of knowledge, which defines
a set of issues; a community of people who care about this domain; and the
shared practice that they are developing to be effective in their domain.
(p.27)
At the
heart of this conceptualization lies the crucial point that community
membership is regulated solely by engagement in the
group’s practice and not by formal affiliation or structural position. This
means by implication that external teacher colleagues, who do not work in the
focal subject group, department, or even the same school, but who share the
same knowledge domain, can in principle also be included as valuable members
(Paulsen, 2008; Printy, 2008).
When
teachers engage in open communication and collective reflection with external
but trusted colleagues, these interactions bring broadened and contrasting
perspectives to those teachers’ instruction. As posited by Printy (2008):
“Particularly where the community is tightly bonded as a result of shared
values, learning is restricted to confirm the rightness of existing thoughts
and actions” (p. 189). Therefore, local and external engagement are both
important properties that define social learning in a community of practice,
which we asserted in the first model (Hjertø et al., 2014).
Organizational
commitment is defined as “the relative strength of an individual’s
identification with and involvement in a particular organization” (Mowday,
Porter, & Steers, 1982, p. 27) and generally associated with social bonding
at the school level and loyalty to school goals. An employee’s sense of impact
generally is understood as a self-belief that the teacher can positively
influence school outcomes for colleagues and that he or she contributes to
pupils’ learning (Short & Rinehart, 1992). The first Helsinki model showed
that primary school teachers’ learning engagement in both internal and external
communities predicted their level of commitment and sense of impact (see Hjertø
et al., 2014).
The second
model of the illustrative Helsinki case hypothesized that when teachers
experienced leadership tasks as being shared among formal leaders and
non-leaders at multiple levels of the school organization (at the core of the
distributed leadership model), their sense of being empowered and trusted in an
important area was increased. Empowerment is defined
as “the opportunities a person has for autonomy, responsibility, choice, and
authority” (Blase & Blase, 1996, p. 137). In a similar vein, when it was asserted that the teachers scored their principal high
on moral and authentic practices, they also experienced being empowered in
important domains of their professional work. Moral leadership can be conceived as a social, relational practice that is
characterized by dynamic and continuing activities, all of which are concerned
with the moral purpose of education (Ehrich, Harris, Klenowski, Smeed, &
Spina, 2015). When a school principal is strongly committed to explaining and
clearly communicating the school vision, aim, and values, this will have a
significant positive effect on teachers’ sense of decision-making influence.
The second model underpinning the Helsinki case showed that both distributed
and moral leadership predicted teachers’ sense of empowerment in two areas of
schoolwork. Whereas distributed leadership predicted teacher empowerment in
classroom issues, the path from moral leadership predicted both teacher
empowerment in classroom issues and schoolwork domain (Paulsen et al., 2016).
An interesting
aspect of the Finnish school governance system is the loose coupling between
the local levels of municipalities and schools and a state-driven quality
assurance system, which according to the literature reviewed for this paper can in the official school rhetoric comply with traveling
market-liberalist steering policies. This means that national agencies in
silent consensus with the local level adapt to local cultures “based on
antipathy and resistance to some fundamental neo-liberal doctrines, primarily
ranking lists” (Simola et al., 2015, p. 244). The main findings of the Helsinki
case suggest building a school governance model on three building blocks of a
professional commitment strategy: Teachers’ organizational commitment,
teachers’ sense of impact and teacher empowerment. Further, the findings of the
study suggest a professional commitment strategy to be
fostered by distributed and moral leadership exerted by school
principals and municipal system leaders, relational trust cultivated among
actors involved in a local school governing chain, and teachers’ social
learning in internal and external communities of practice in Wenger’s (1998)
terminology. The conceptual properties of the suggested model are discussed in the subsequent section and illustrated in figure 1
below.
The conceptual model postulates
teacher empowerment, sense of impact and commitment to the school organization
to be central components of a professional commitment strategy inspired by the
original theoretical and empirical works of Rowan, Rozenholtz, and colleagues.
Prior studies provide support for these assertions by showing systematic
interrelatedness between teachers’ sense of self-efficacy, sense of impact,
organizational commitment, and empowerment in important school domains (see
e.g., Somech, 2005; Bogler & Somech, 2004), and these findings correspond
with research also from non-educational sectors (see e.g., Kirkman & Rosen,
1999). The model adds some supplementary arguments by suggesting the core of a
professional commitment strategy to be interrelated with schoolteachers’ social
learning in communities of practice. In a similar vein, the model suggests the
capacity of the school organization to build relational trust between important
stakeholders, students, teachers and leaders to be interrelated to teachers’
social learning. Finally, school leadership is linked
to school strategy through strong moral grounding and distributive leadership
behaviors among school principals.
Organizational
commitment among teachers has long been recognized as
a critical predictor for teachers’ quality of work performance. Teachers
scoring high on organizational commitment feel that they have high status
within the organization and are willing to contribute beyond what is expected of them (Bogler & Somech, 2004). In
contrast, the consequences of low organizational commitment are often that
“teachers converse more about poor working conditions than about teaching
problems and their solutions” (Rosenholtz, 1987, p. 542). The second core component
of the model is teacher empowerment. Evidence about the important role of
teacher empowerment for school capacity building has continued to emerge in
educational research. For example, in their seminal study of 24 site-based
managed schools, Marks and Louis (1999) found that teacher empowerment
accounted for more than half of the variance among schools in their capacity
for organizational learning. Moreover, teachers’ ability to draw valid
inferences applicable to complex problems is enhanced
by empowerment.
Empowerment
is, therefore, not important in isolation but as part of a cluster of
school-development characteristics that, when focused on the quality of student
learning, have demonstrable payoff at the classroom level. (Marks & Louis,
1999, p. 729)
Teachers’
sense of impact, as modeled in the Helsinki case, has been broadly defined as
the
teachers’ perceptions that they possess the skills and ability to help the
students to learn, that they are competent in building effective programs, and
that they can affect changes in students’ learning. (Short & Rinehart 1992,
p. 957)
The concept
builds on Albert Bandura’s social-cognitive theory conceptually close to the
core concept of self-efficacy, defined as “people’s belief in their
capabilities to mobilize the motivation, cognitive resources and course of
action needed to exercise control over events in their lives” (Wood &
Bandura, 1989, p. 364). High self-efficacy tends to result in initiating
behaviors, high effort, and persistence in the face of obstacles: “Efficacy
expectations determine how much effort people will expend and how long they will persist in the face of obstacles and
aversive experiences” (Bandura, 1977, pp. 193–194).
Whereas
self-efficacy captures teachers’ effort-performance expectancy cycle, sense of
impact describes a teacher’s self-belief that the effort invested in the work
will result in positive outcomes for the school and its students in a
subsequent phase (Short, 1994; Hjertø et al., 2014). Many studies show that
efficacy expectations at group level are positively associated with learning
both for teachers and school leaders (Louis et al., 2010; Eels, 2011), which
justifies a strategic emphasis for superintendents and school principals to
work purposefully to strengthen schoolteachers’ self-belief that they can
master the complex work of teaching and collectively make a difference for
their schools.
The study
underpinning the Helsinki case supported Wenger’s (1998) overarching idea that
social learning in a community of practice is both an inward- and an
outward-looking process. Local collegial collaboration in close-knit groups
supported the teachers’ perception of working in an appraisable school, as well
as their feelings of loyalty and their bonds with school goals. Additionally,
the results revealed that intense learning engagement with external but trusted
colleagues from other schools strengthened teachers’ effort-outcome expectancy
and sense of impact.
Our
findings concur with other studies that have demonstrated the strength of moral
leadership as an enabling condition for empowering teachers in a manner that
supports student learning (Bottery, Wright, & James, 2012). Our findings
are also in line with longstanding demands among Finnish teachers to their
school principals: Showing respect to teachers and practicing equality norms,
such as working for the needs of all students, are central expectations for
Finnish school principals (Lahtero & Risku, 2014).
Thus, our
study concurs with a contemporary shift in the understanding of leadership,
from a one-sided emphasis on the attributes and behaviors of the individual
leader toward a more systemic perspective whereby leadership is conceived of as a collective social process that emerges
through the interactions of multiple actors (Spillane, 2013). This conceptualization emphasizes
that distributed leadership is manifest when teachers and school leaders
regularly interact with each other in the performance of leadership tasks
(Harris, 2013; Spillane, Camburn, & Pareja, 2009). In this
conceptualization,
the
principal is responsible for providing her/his staff with opportunities for
participating in decision-making, working with them as partners and devolving
authority and power, thus building leadership capacity for all. (Sarafidou
& Chatziioannidis, 2013, p. 180)
As noted by
Tschannen-Moran and Hoy, “trust is necessary for effective cooperation and
communication, the foundations for cohesive and productive relationships in
organizations” (2000, p. 549). On the other hand, trust is difficult to observe
in empirical terms (Sørhaug, 1996), not least because trust is inherent in many
relations and thus difficult to measure mutuality. Moreover, trust is infused with a series of tensions and dilemmas. One
dilemma is associated with the idea that trust in organizations is intimately
linked to power, as posited by the Norwegian social scientist Tian Sørhaug,
“any form of organizing must deal with a paradoxical tension between power and
trust” (1996, p, 21), and this symbiotic relationship forms an enduring dilemma
for school leaders. In a range of scholarly work, empowerment is treated as a manifestation of trust, as supported by
studies in noneducational as well as educational sectors. The point is that the
complexity involved in the decisions that teachers must make in their daily
classroom work is a function of their ability to draw valid inferences
applicable to complex problems, which again is enhanced
by empowerment and trust.
Notably,
there is also a relationship between interpersonal trust and teachers’ sense of
empowerment in decision-making. “When teachers not only have involvement but
also influence over organizational decisions that affect them, the conditions
necessary to foster mutual trust between teachers and principals become
manifest” (Tschannen-Moran & Gareis, 2015, p. 69). We, therefore, see the
relationship between trust and empowerment as a promising path for theoretical
advancement. Another important implication of trust is the one between trust
and sense-making in organizations (Louis, Mayrowetz,
Smylie, & Murphy, 2009). Karen Seashore Louis and colleagues (2009)
suggested that sense-making is a decisive process for
whether teachers engage in changes when confronted with demands for a new set
of practices. The sense-making process most typically emerges from informal
communication that leads to common actions or agreed-upon activities (Weick
& Roberts, 2001).
As noted,
values inherent in the Finnish comprehensive education system in many respects
can be interpreted to cluster and cohere around a Bildung discourse (Moos, this
issue), which is interesting seen against the backdrop of the system’s stable
high rank in PISA, the hallmark of an outcome discourse. The conceptual model
discussed in the previous section suggests a small number of categories of
local school strategy that is compatible with the core characteristics of the
Finnish policy culture in education (see Louis & van Velzen, 2012).
Specifically, institutional and relational trust (Tschannen-Moran, 2001) between
actors at different levels of the governance chain is a core characteristic of
this culture and viable in a commitment strategy. At the school level, a
commitment-based strategy will be manifest in teachers’ social learning in a
web of communities of practice stimulated by distributed and moral leadership
exerted by principals and school leaders. Taken together, this model adds a
conceptual content close to the everyday practice of school leaders and
teachers on how a Bildung-inspired culture plays out at the local level of the
Finnish school system.
The model
suggested in figure 1 must be interpreted in light of
the nation-specific policy culture and governance system of Finnish education
as laid out previously in this paper. First, Finnish municipalities possess
more regulatory autonomy compared with the other Nordic systems, and this
unique position can be systematically utilized by local authorities to buffer
school leaders and their teachers from the national quality assurance system.
In the same vein, as a function of the specific Finnish political culture
(Kofod et al., 2016), local authorities in Finland have resisted ranking of
schools (Silander & Välijärvi, 2013; Varjo et al., 2013). Moreover, the
assessment and evaluation of student learning have
traditionally been seen as the sole territory of teachers and schools.
The positive path between collaborative learning in schools and teachers’
efficacy and commitment, as suggested by the model, must,
therefore, be interpreted as contingent of a societal policy culture
that also finds resonance in the local democratic institutions in Finnish
municipalities. Second, a commitment-based model of school strategy and school
development seems to be anchored in a shared
understanding of the Finnish school professions about the most important values
of schooling as by default. This cultural path-dependency, paired with the
strong competence possessed by the Finnish teacher corps, may also add
explanatory power to the low variation between schools in primary education.
Moral
leadership exerted by school principals accompanied by a democratic and
involving approach to decision-making in schools, might,
therefore, build on shared values and cultural mindsets of what Finnish
teachers and school principals are. Finally, it is fair to assume the Finnish
teachers’ perception of significant empowerment in their professional domains
as an artifact embedded in a path-dependent societal culture with high trust in
the work of teachers and the teaching profession (Simola & Rinne, 2015).
Thus, as the school strategy model emerging from the conceptual analysis
contains generic properties that by first glance seems to be possible to
translate to other educational systems, the context-bound and local
embeddedness of this form of school strategy should not be underestimated.
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